Lens of History (22)

STEC Archives, Print Document Division
Curator signature: Trout
Format: Textual Record
Object: Classified Intelligence Memo [           ] pertaining to the Nihon Kaigun Tokusentai
Location: N/A
Time (if known): 198X



Overview of the Nihon Kaigun Tokusentai (hereby abbreviated as NKT)

Classified as a “Non-international & Regional Security Force” under Ministry of Defense Regulations, the NKT is a potent albeit unfocused secret force comprised of [REDACTED] number of shipgirls.

As the Abyssal threat becomes increasingly higher in profile, so too does its apparent capacity to threaten Asia. In particular, the highly concentrated population centers of the Far East makes for ideal prizes for the Abyssal fleet. In light of these developments and the unfolding events worldwide, Japan has taken great effort in securing its own safety. This includes several highly creative interpretations of the postwar constitution, particularly that of Article No. 9.

Importantly, unlike STEC, the RN-STEC, or other known shipgirl forces, the NKT possesses no framework, unifying doctrine, or mechanisms for oversight. It answers to no one – not the Maritime Self-Defense Command, the Ministry of Defense, or even the Kantei – save for itself. The NKT claims to be acting solely within Japanese constitutional bounds and cites its symbolic authority of peacekeeping from the Emperor of Japan.

By design (1), the NKT is extremely decentralized with no commanding authority. Acting more like a secret society than a military organization, formal membership of NKT is solely determined by whether or not said individual possess at least one shipgirl in service. It does not openly recruit personnel nor does it have any significant footprint in terms of expenditures. Each formal member, termed “Teitoku” (approximately translated to “Admiral”), generally retains a number of personal staff to oversee day to day affairs and holds ultimate authority on how the command is ran.

Communications take place solely over conventional methods, as the Japanese as a whole do not yet have fairy encryption or other shipgirl-specific communication technologies. The NKT does not appear to be aware that there are other shipgirl organizations (2). Meetings take place irregularly, if at all, and it is unclear as to how operations involving multiple shipgirls are planned or coordinated.

No efforts are made to integrate shipgirl technology with the conventional military force, and all research efforts pertaining to shipgirls and the Abyssals appear to be localized to one research site directly owned by the Kantei – the Ishida Institute of Advanced Research. Each shipgirl appears to be responsible for her own cadre of fairies and equipment, and resource sharing – from fairy crews to stockpiled munitions – appears to be on an interpersonal level due to relationships than formal naval policy.

It is unclear to what degree the NKT is influencing Japanese national and political instability, or if the dysfunctional state of the NKT is the symptom rather than the cause. Several prominent security incidents, two of which are high profile, highlight the chaotic state that is beneath Japan’s surface tranquility.

Incident 1: The Militarization Affair.

Citing the growing influence of the USSR and the retreat of American power in East Asia, the Japanese Diet introduce legislation to “significantly” enhance Japan’s capacity for self defense. Political opposition to the legislation is significant and on-going, but after more than two years the legislation becomes law (to the protest of every country involved in East Asia – Japan included). The law makes for a provisional increase of five times the reserve system of Japan, mandates military conscription in the case of “national emergency,” and injects an absurdly large sum of funding into the Ministry of Defense.

Left-leaning critics lambasted the bill, pointing out the close connection of the corporations involved and the various rightwing parties in Japan. Their concerns were not without merit. No less than four cabinet-level officials were found to have received significant gifts from Japanese heavy industry corporations. Japanese media, long accustomed to the corruption inherent in politics, initially paid it little heed.

Two weeks later, a publicity tour and broadcast of a prominent naval shipyard accidentally revealed two near-complete hulls of amphibious assault ships to the general public. This, understandably, ignited a firestorm in the sphere of public discourse. Why was the Ministry of Defense designing and building offensive weapons when the bill was clearly meant for national defense? On whom are these weapons meant to be used on? How long has this been going on? Why is the Diet unaware of this development?

To make matters worse, one month amid the on-going Naval Yard affair, an incident involving prototype Northrop strategic bombers resulted in twenty-two Japanese nationals charged with espionage by an unanimous (and understandably furious) American Congress. In a remarkable show of capitulation, Japan immediately bulldozed three aircraft factories and extradited the aforementioned individuals to America to stand trial. This caused a permanent and fundamental split between the pro-American LDP and the far-right NI and caused the prime minister to resign along with much of the government.

The comprehensive media coverage of the Militarization Affair only ended three months later, when the Incident at the Ishida Institute knocked these stories out of the popular news cycle. Investigations into these affairs as well as the resultant political instability affects Japan even to today.

Incident 2: The [REDACTED] Incident


Given the current situation in Japan, multiple NKT Teitoku have considered leveraging their unique capacities towards domestic affairs, but all are unwilling to act for fear of destabilizing Japan further, fear of retribution from other members, or otherwise are disinclined to act due to lack of incentive or personal benefit. Some have raised the prospectus of intentional or maleficent interference from Japanese or foreign sources, and all believe that they are working towards a better outcome for Japan.

In any case, Japan’s unique political situation offers significant incentive for cooperation. A sizable minority of individuals in the NKT, including several shipgirls, are receptive to further interactions with STEC personnel and American shipgirls.

(1) The origins of the NKT is still shrouded in mystery to today, as Japan has not disclosed when it first discovered shipgirls or the Abyssals or whether there were any other shipgirl services or organizations formed prior. However, what is certain is that a number of senior officers, many of whom served in the Imperial Army or Navy, played an instrumental role in its creation.

Communications from (ret.) Admiral Shigeyoshi Inoue to STEC remain currently the only reliable primary source on the earliest days of its formation. Concerned about the return of militarism, he noted that the NKT was designed explicitly to be de-centralized so that no single officer or group of officers can seize power and force history to repeat itself.

(2) Many, though not all, Japanese shipgirls are aware of “gaijin” or “foreign” shipgirls. Some, including the author of this memo, have formed steadfast friendships with them. At least five Japanese shipgirls regularly interact with non-Japanese shipgirl organizations and have visited or operated with STEC forces.

However, many Teitoku still hold a dismissive attitude towards the capabilities of non-Japanese shipgirls, and in general, the NKT is content to deal with only matters immediately involving Japan.